On Thursday, Slate ran a piece by Elise Boddie, a former Harvard Law classmate of mine, attacking President Bush’s position on affirmative action. There are a few decent points here, but also several crucial fallacies. Let’s walk through:
Bush still professes to favor racial diversity, but he opposes the use of race to create it. Sort of like saying that you like meatloaf but prefer preparing it without hamburger.
This does capture the mealy-mouthed nature of Bush’s support for racial “diversity” as a permissible goal of a taxpayer-supported insitutions.
Bush claims there is another way, under his “colorblind” “affirmative access” proposal. This refers to the law adopted by Texas in the aftermath of the 1996 court ruling in Hopwood v. Texas abolishing race-conscious admissions at the University of Texas. Similar versions have been enacted by California and Florida. The Texas law mandates the admission to university of all high-school seniors graduating in the top 10 percent of their class; California and Florida give a boost to the top 4 percent and 20 percent, respectively.
Many commentators have already pointed out the glaring problems with these percentage plans�not the least of which is that their success in creating racially diverse student bodies at the college level depends in significant part on the continued racial segregation of the state’s high schools. They also don’t affect admissions in private universities or in graduate or professional schools; and, in California, there is no guarantee of admission to the state’s flagship institutions. There is some indication that minority first-year admissions at Texas universities have increased under the percentage plan, following the post-Hopwood plunge. But such admissions have yet to reach the heights achieved in the years prior to Hopwood, and at least some of the increase is due to a rising college-age black and Latino population in Texas.
First of all, arguments that assume that the sole end goal of admissions policies should be to increase the proportion of students “of color” — on a zero-sum basis — are deeply problematic. Boddie then goes on to say that preferences aren’t so bad because the number of white students who lose out isn’t that high, although, presumably, it would rise in the near future “due to a rising college-age black and Latino population” in places like Texas.
Second, to object to the public university plans on the grounds that they assume large racial disproportion in high schools . . . well, yes. Racial disproportion — segregation, if you want to call it that, although it’s principally caused by housing patterns – is precisely what supports the argument that there’s any need for affirmative action in the 21st century at all. African-American students who attend top high schools are hardly the oppressed and downtrodden in need of a hand, after all. The “percentage plans” are a Band-Aid aimed directly at the problem of students trapped in bad schools, and are designed to ensure that the best students from those schools get preferential treatment. It’s still open to fair question whether this is in their best interests — whether some students are getting promoted beyond what they’ve been academically prepared for — but it’s at least a solution that’s designed to be proportionate to the problem.
[W]hile most of the public scrutiny concerning affirmative action has been on the qualifications of African-American and Latino students admitted to Michigan, it is scarcely mentioned that other white students are also admitted with SAT scores or GPAs lower than those of the plaintiffs (and lower than those of rejected minority applicants). Nor is much attention paid to the other racialized dimensions of Michigan’s admissions policy that favor whites. The preference given to the children of alumni (including, incidentally, Patrick Hamacher, one of the plaintiffs challenging Michigan) disproportionately benefits whites, as does the enhancement given for candidates from Michigan’s predominantly white Upper Peninsula, and the points awarded based on the quality of the candidate’s high school and curriculum.
Well, the Upper Peninsula plan seems to be basically another form of the percentage plans, and it’s presumably driven by in-state politics, which is a hazard of any public university. I would tend to agree that alumni preferences should be eliminated in public universities, however; they don’t serve any academic purpose and they do institutionalize the past racial and other makeup of the student body. The main justification for such preferences in private colleges — and I’m somewhat skeptical there as well — is that alumni preferences help build loyalties that are essential to fundraising. Even if you buy that argument, it loses support when the college is financed by the state.
Opponents of affirmative action have spent the past two weeks repeating what seems to be their main, patronizing argument: that race-neutral admissions are better for racial minorities because affirmative action stigmatizes its beneficiaries as inferior (while at the same time denying their own agency in perpetuating such stereotypes). But the “stigma” is one-sided. It isn’t applied to legacy admits; and it isn’t applied to white Anglo Saxon Protestant men admitted to universities before the 1970s. Until affirmative action kicked in, these groups had a virtual lock on admissions at selective institutions because white women, blacks, Asians, and Latinos were either excluded from selective institutions altogether or were admitted in token numbers. Yet one never hears that this de facto affirmative action has “stigmatized” white males.
A funny thing about this argument is that it ignores the scorn usually heaped on George W. Bush for being a guy who would never have gotten into Yale without alumni preferences (see this Michael Kinsley article for a sample); conservatives tend to hurl the same stuff at Ted Kennedy. Of course, it may be unfair, but the main reason the stigma isn’t more prominent is that you can’t tell someone is a child of alumni just by looking at them. Still, I think most people knew some people in college who were clearly there just because their parents got them in. Also, go to any Ivy League campus and try to talk up a classical education in the Western canon and tell me there’s no stigma attached to the writers for being dead white males . . .
In any event, this is a classic example of the false dichotomy set up by proponents of preferences — between rich old-money WASPs and poor African-Americans. Meanwhile, your typical middle-class/working-class white kids, whose parents and grandparents got shut out of the old order, get told “meet the new privileges, same as the old privileges.” And Jews and Asians need not apply.
Studies repeatedly document the continued pervasiveness of discrimination in housing, employment, health care, and in the criminal justice system, and the persistence of racial segregation in elementary and secondary education. President Bush and others who oppose affirmative action may well preach “colorblindness,” but really they are just willfully blind to the continuing relevance of race.
Well, so make the case that “the continuing relevance of race” in those other areas is a bad thing – don’t celebrate it as an excuse to give upper-middle-class African-American kids a leg up in admission to elite colleges.
Category: Law 2002-04
Mighty Brobeck Has Struck Out
Mighty Brobeck has struck out. I guess innovations like taking payment in the stocks of internet companies didn’t turn out to be much of a financial plan. A friend who used to work there emailed me the poem “Ozymandias” (“‘My name is Ozymandias, king of kings: Look on my works, ye Mighty, and despair!’ Nothing beside remains.”). An appropriate sentiment.
Brief of the Day
The New York Times tells us:
President Bush has asked administration lawyers to present him with a brief arguing that the University of Michigan’s programs for using race in admission decisions go too far, officials said today. The officials said Mr. Bush was prepared to have the government file the papers with the Supreme Court on Thursday, a move that would inject the administration into one of the largest affirmative action cases in a generation. But the White House said Mr. Bush had not yet given the final approval to move ahead. And it was unclear how sweeping a stand the administration would take on the fundamental question of whether race may ever be used as a factor in higher-education admissions decisions.
Leaving aside for the moment the politics of the issue, what I find hilarious is the suggestion that Bush decides, on Tuesday, that he wants the Solicitor General’s office to prepare a Supreme Court brief on a constitutional issue of colossal importance. As if legal briefs of this nature grow on trees, rather than being wrung in blood from a staff of lawyers over a period of weeks or months (yes, I’ve written briefs in a day, but not for an appellate court and certainly not on an issue that I expect the U.S. Supreme Court to settle for all time). The article later says that “[o]fficials have been wrestling over the wording of the brief,” which hints at reality. The truth is that the bulk of the brief needs to have been written by now, unless they’ve actually gone to the extraordinary, although I’m sure not unprecedented, step of writing more than one version of the brief.
A Jackass By Any Other Name
A gentleman by the name of Jack Ass is suing over harm to his reputation from the movie “Jackass.” I kid you not – read his affidavit (the best part may be the request for $10 million in damages). (Link via Howard Bashman)
Over The Line
Regardless of who you believe in this particular dispute, it’s heartening to note that, in the law, there can be consequences to overheated rhetoric. It’s one reason why I love my job: few things are more fun than using your adversary’s own words to hang them.
The Lott Fallout
The National Review Online continues its saturation coverage of the Trent Lott story with a blaringly headlined editorial calling on Lott to resign as Republican Senate leader, and noting that NR had called for Lott’s head four years ago. The succinct statement of Lott’s moral culpability:
Minority leader Tom Daschle’s initial reaction . . . to Lott’s remarks was essentially sound � Lott misspoke. But Lott misspoke in a particular way, one freighted with symbolic significance. Many southern whites of a certain generation have a shameful past on civil-rights issues. This doesn’t necessarily make them reprehensible people, or mean that they are racists today. But, when they are public figures, it is reasonable to expect from them an honest reckoning with their past, and, of course, an awareness that a reckoning is necessary.
This is basically the same point the Supreme Court seemed to be leaning towards making in the cross-burning arguments this week: sometimes, words and symbols have a history, and you invoke that history at your peril. That’s why being a Nazi is merely scorned in the United States, but illegal in Germany.
The Wall Street Journal also essentially asks Lott to step down. It’s not entirely accurate, as the Journal suggests, to say that conservatives led the charge against Lott’s remarks, but certainly many more conservatives outside of politics piled on the issue early than did liberals in journalism or the other usual sites of outrage. The Journal also strangely suggests that John Kerry has been the most vocal of the Democrats’ presidential hopefuls on this, which he hasn’t; to his credit, albeit with his usual smarmy overstatement, Al Gore was ‘fustest with the mostest’ in this fight. Peggy Noonan also has a wonderful column accusing Lott of playing the race card and telling him to go; it’s worth reading in its entirety.
On the legal front, I have to think the number one casualty of the Lott brouhaha is Charles Pickering. George W. Bush has suggested that some of the judicial nominees killed in committee – namely, Priscilla Owen, the Fifth Circuit nominee who became a key issue in the Texas Senate campaign – would be revived, and with Pickering’s son elected to the House from Mississippi and Lott stepping back up as majority leader, it seemed like Pickering would be back too. But Pickering is a white Mississippian, he was charged with racial ‘insensitivity,’ he was basically sponsored by Lott, and in the current circumstances, that combination will almost certainly make him too hot to handle. It’s unfair to him, but that’s the way it goes; at least he’s still got that life tenure as a US District Judge.
Thus Sayeth Justice Thomas
Here’s advice I’m not good at following: when you speak infrequently, your words carry more weight. This account of yesterday;s oral argument in the Supreme Court on the constitutionality of a law banning cross-burning suggests that rare comments by Justice Clarence Thomas at oral argument – castigating the Justice Department for taking too narrow a position in defending the law rather than making explicit the unique symbolism of cross-burning as a trigger to terrorism against African-Americans – made a deep impact on the tenor of the entire argument. (Link via How Appealing).
UPDATE: Slate Court-watcher Dahlia Lithwick has the definitive, and sidesplittingly funny, account of this case; she notes that “Some of the alleged cross-burners in this case were either too drunk, racist, or stupid to actually set a wooden cross on fire, even with the help of lighter fluid.” And this:
Out of nowhere booms the great, surprising “Luke-I-am-your-father” voice of He Who Never Speaks. Justice Clarence Thomas suddenly asks a question and everyone’s head pops up and starts looking madly around, like the Muppets on Veterinarian Hospital. “Aren’t you understating the effects … of 100 years of lynching?” he booms. “This was a reign of terror, and the cross was a sign of that. … It is unlike any symbol in our society. It was intended to cause fear, terrorize.”
Just What Bush Needs
Questions about his new pick for SEC chairman. Of course, virtually anybody who’s been a corporate CEO has been named in a class-action lawsuit, and believe you me, the fact that such a lawsuit is filed – by itself – is absolutely no reason to believe that there has been wrongdoing. I didn’t have a high opinion of securities class actions when I was in law school, but after practicing in this area for more than six years, I’ve often been shocked at how little merit is behind many claims.
Of course, pointed questions about the issue are perfectly fair game; we don’t need any unpleasant surprises. And I’m not, myself, familiar with the lawsuit in question. But the favorable quote from Chuck Schumer in this story seems to support the idea that Donaldson is not really in any trouble at this point.
An Outsider’s Beliefs
In a decision that may provide unintended benefits to religious people asserting their rights, the Ninth Circuit declines to dismiss the Pledge of Allegiance case on standing grounds. After the initial decision in the case holding the Pledge of Allegiance to be an unconstitutional establishment of religion (due to the phrase “under God”), the mother of the schoolgirl in the case got a custody order specifying that the dad, who was the force behind the lawsuit, did not have custody. He then dropped his claim to bring suit on behalf of the girl and sued instead as a parent, arguing that he had a personal right to sue as a parent. Let’s pick up the Ninth Circuit’s reasoning:
Newdow . . . can expect to be free from the government’s endorsing a particular view of religion and unconstitutionally indoctrinating his young daughter on a daily basis in that official view. The pledge to a nation “under God,” with its imprimatur of governmental sanction, provides the message to Newdow’s young daughter not only that non-believers, or believers in non-Judeo-Christian religions, are outsiders, but more specifically that her father’s beliefs are those of an outsider, and necessarily inferior to what she is exposed to in the classroom.
(Thanks to the prolific Howard Bashman for noting the decision).
This is a powerful argument that the judges may not have entirely thought through, because it implies a direct parental right not to have doctrines taught in school that contradict one’s theology. The creationists will just loooove this language.
(Leave aside for now the PC hooey in the reference to “non-Judeo-Christian religions,” which may be intended to exclude from the annals of the oppressors here a certain other prominent monotheist religion of arguably Judeo-Christian origin).
“[L]aid-back jurisprudence of a morphing Constitution”
Stuart Buck has a great post on Laurence Tribe and his momentary disdain a few years back for a “laid-back jurisprudence of a morphing Constitution.” On the broader point raised on the Volokh site, about people’s constitutional theories hewing to their policy preferences, I think that’s true up to a point, and it’s most true where the constitution is most ambiguous. But there are neutral principles, there is a historical record; the document is not just an ink blot.
Testa
A friend at his law firm sends along this Boston Globe obituary for Richard Testa, founder of Testa Hurwitz & Thibeault, who died in his sleep yesterday at age 63.
Harvard Leaving Harvard Square?
This Boston Globe column has some amusing stuff about BC law profs with their knickers in a twist over the Solomon Amendment, but also some serious business – the possible move of Harvard Law School away from its historic site and Harvard Square to a location in Allston. For the record, I’m very much against this.
Clifford Chance Damage Control
Clifford Chance does some damage control in this substance-free New York Law Journal puff piece.
The Christmas Party
Slate’s Dear Prudence advice column tells a guy to break up with his girlfriend rather than let her go to an office Christmas party at her law firm where spouses and ‘significant others’ are not invited. Leave aside the general asininity of this advice, although it may be harmless; the fact that the guy has written to an internet advice columnist to say he doesn’t trust his girlfriend suggests that this particular relationship is doomed anyway. But consider Prudence’s first reaction: “Office Christmas parties are famous occasions for drunken women lurching at the boss … or the other way around.” Am I naive, or is this a totally outdated stereotype? I mean, my law firm has an annual Christmas party, and people are generally too uptight about the possibility of making fools of themselves to dance, for crying out loud. I mean, not that extramarital affairs and the like don’t happen in the business world, but I really can’t see the office Christmas party as a major culprit in that kind of thing, especially at a party full of lawyers in these days of hair-trigger sexual harassment litigation. Get a grip!
Rehnquist Falls
The urgency of the scenarios outlined in Stuart Taylor’s much-discussed article handicapping the next Supreme Court vacancy are underlined as Chief Justice Rehnquist slips and falls at his home.
To Take The Case?
BIG decisions on deck at tomorrow’s conference about what cases the Supreme Court will take, including the Michigan affirmative action case (which presents squarely the issue of whether schools can use “diversity” as code for racial preferences) and a challenge to the 1986 decision finding no constitutional obstacle to sodomy laws (a debatable decision, but expect much enthusiasm for re-visiting this issue from corners of the profession that swooned with ecstasy over the 1992 decision that held that Roe v. Wade had been on the books too long to be reconsidered). The Court’s decisions on whether to take the cases may be available as early as December 2.
The Poverty Line
It just doesn’t get more “only in America” than a lawsuit against a restaurant filed by someone who got fat . . . while living in a homeless shelter.
Ivy League Follies
I guess it’s Ivy League Day here . . . if you went to Yale, OxBlog has links and info on how to sign a petition opposing a petition calling for divestment of the university’s interests in the State of Israel (I signed the Harvard anti-divestment petition myself some months back). Meanwhile, Stuart Buck, Instapundit, Eugene Volokh, and Howard Bashman all have links and commentary on the Harvard Law School race-speech controversy, including a battle between Dershowitz and proponents of a speech code.
The Forum
A Bahamas-flagged oil tanker captained by a Greek skipper sinks off the coast of Spain, prompting criticism of Britain and Latvia.
Why do I have the sneaking suspicion that all of this will wind up in court here in New York?
Nesson and Rosenberg
Either things have changed quite a lot since I graduated in 1996, or Dorothy Rabinowitz is entirely overwrought in her conclusion that “At Harvard Law today, skill in hard combative argument is no longer prized, nor even considered quite respectable. Indeed, first-year law students can hardly fail to notice the pall of official disapproval now settled over everything smacking of conflict and argument.” True, with the death of Philip Areeda, HLS is down to just one agressive practitioner of the Socratic method (Arthur Miller), and the school no longer flunks a lot of students. But I’d invite her to attend one of Alan Dershowitz’s classes, or any Con Law section, if she thinks that argument and intellectual combat have given way to holding hands and singing ‘Kumbaya.’
The real, and more substantial charge in her article is that the administration caved in too easily to demands from the Black Law Students Association for punishments for Professors Charles Nesson and David Rosenberg for alleged racial insensitivity. Now, you have to get the background here. Nesson is a strange, strange man (some of you may remember his protrayal as ‘Billion-Dollar Charlie’ in the book A Civil Action, or as one of the moderators of Fred Friendly’s ‘Ethics’ series on CBS in the 1980s, which brought together congresspersons, network anchors, priests, generals and judges to discuss difficult hypothetical questions of ethics), who has spoken publicly about his drug use and generally worked hard to be seen as an eccentric who’s not afraid to force people to look at things from different directions. Indeed, Nesson’s favorite illustration in his Evidence casebook is the ‘Necker cube,” the box of lines that seems to change directions depending how you look at it. I personally didn’t find his “Introduction to Lawyering” class exceptionally useful, but he did give us some real-world examples of things like obstructive conduct in the defense of depositions that are rarely seen in the law school environment but all too often displayed in the real legal profession. Nesson’s attempt to put the user of a racial slur on trial, with himself as defense counsel, is of a piece with this; maybe (as Dershowitz did when my Criminal Law class discussed rape), he should have warned people that if they’d be too upset to listen to this discussion, they should leave the room and come back in a few days (then again, now that I think of it, Dershowitz also devoted a third of the final exam to rape shield law, so maybe that’s a bad example). But it’s really sad if law students think that some things are so upsetting they can not even be put on trial and opened to debate.
As for the other accused professor, I suppose some people just don’t like Professor Rosenberg. I had Rosenberg for first-year torts, and he presented himself as an outsized caricature of the politically incorrect professor. He threw a casebook at the wall the first day of class and argued that most of the ‘law’ of torts was useless and meaningless in the real world; when anyone would get too far into actual doctrine he would snap, “when you graduate you can hire people from Yale to make dumb arguments like that.” He claimed to hand out grades via a roulette wheel in his office. He also made an obviously tongue-in-cheek show of being politically incorrect, like claiming to enjoy clubbing baby seals for sport. One guy in my torts class did nothing but take down funny sayings of Rosenberg (and he got an A+, so who am I to argue?). Anyway, taking a stray remark from David Rosenberg as the cause for theatrical outrage seems to be an obvious case of a complete failure of the irony detector.
It’s been a tough year for Dean Clark, who may have felt pressure to throw a bone to perennially dissatisfied campus Leftists after the Solomon Amendment compelled him to go back on HLS’ policy of discriminating against military recruiters. Law students are never a happy bunch; we used to joke about the fact that the business students all cheer their dean at graduation, while law students are always in the middle of some mass protest. And giving people permission to cut class is no great revolution; some people don’t go to class at all, ever, anyway (some of the school’s urban legends suggest that Nesson was one of these in his student days). I can’t necessarily fault Dean Clark for letting Nesson step down voluntarily, since Nesson has come under disciplinary scrutiny before, and his voluntary withdrawal may actually serve as a bit of a lesson here itself.
In other words, I don’t entirely fault the administration here; far harsher measures were available, and I’m sure the BLSA is deeply dissatisfied with the response anyway. Nor do I suspect that open and contentious debate generally is endangered at HLS; the more likely result is simply that debate on race is stifled. But even that seems overstated; you can still take a class on race relations with Randall Kennedy, who’s just written an entire book on the N-word. Another tempest in a teapot, but life will go on.
Detector
The perfect Christmas gift for the litigator on your list!
Closer than a blade!!!
Closer than a blade!!! Of course, one moral of this story may be, if you find a mechanical or electronic device in a McDonald’s bathroom, don’t bring it home and plug it in.
Pitt Resigns
Slipping his resignation letter over the transom on a busy news day: people I work with know and respect Harvey Pitt, and everyone seems to agree that he deserved better than this.
J’Accuse
Howard Bashman on a very unusual Eighth Circuit opinion in which the en banc court defends itself against an implicit charge of racism made by the district judge.
Idiot Box 1, Devil’s Workshop 0
The Second Circuit vacates a sentence that barred the defendant from watching TV while under home confinement, rejecting the District Court’s conclusion that the defendant should be forced to spend some time with himself:
“[L]acking [in the record] is a sufficient relationship between the television restriction and the abatement of Bello’s criminality. Even if contemplation is deemed somehow more beneficial for this defendant than for most others (for reasons not clear from the record), we are inclined to agree with Bello that because other amusements are available to him at home, there is no reason to assume that in the absence of televised entertainment he will tend to his conscience. Bello cites radio and the Internet as ways he might spend his time at home without resort to silent introspection. He could add crosswords and jigsaw puzzles, not to mention light reading. For all the record shows or the district court has found, Bello is as likely to occupy his mind by planning his next crime as anything else”
BASKETBALL/Jayson Williams in Hot Water
I haven’t been following the story that closely, but this certainly puts the case against Jayson Williams in a different light.
Girls Club
The Washington Post with a good roundup of the faults and bad reviews of the late, unlamented ‘girls club’. All I saw were the ads and reviews – from the ratings, I gather I was not alone in this – but among the show’s numerous flaws were its Lifetime-network-ish assumption that nothing in the least has changed in the way women lawyers are treated at work (in San Francisco, no less) since the Fifties, and its equally absurd presumption that a successful law firm would be sending first-year associates out, without training, no less, to do things like the opening statement of a murder trial. What planet did David E. Kelley practice law on?
OH, THE HUMANITY!
Dahlia Lithwick of Slate captures some of the ironies of the now-infamous Clifford Chance memo. (The New York Law Journal also captures the real bad news in the memo, from the perspective of big-law-firm managing partners). Of course, Lithwick herself is not innocent of griping about (spare us!) the tedium of being an internet legal pundit, where one never has to set foot in a courtroom with fewer than nine judges in it. (Any litigator who follows the Supreme Court could have told her that the real drama of First Monday in October is the cert granted/cert denied lists).
A Word In Favor Of The Billable Hour
The NY Times calls out the usual parade of horribles to denounce the billable hour. I’m no fan of the billable hour, to be sure, but critics invariably lose most of their steam once they try to come up with a workable alternative. Clients pay the bills, and for large law firms engaged in defending civil litigation or in many types of corporate transactions, clients have generally preferred to have the bills determined on the basis of hourly rates. In areas like bankruptcy, it’s the courts themselves that often determine the bills, and they do it by the hour. There are intermiediate steps that can be taken to help clients keep a watchful eye, like the ABA’s task-based billing codes that some clients prefer. None of this excuses the egregious cases of fraud, like people billing 44 hour days, but at the end of the day, as long as clients are reviewing the bills and are happy with what they are paying for what they are getting in return, the billable hour system will endure.
American Lawyer Killed In Bali; CCRW Memo
An American-born lawyer – a former Nebraska football player working in Hong Kong for the international firm of Clifford Chance (formerly Clifford Chance Rogers & Wells) – is among those confirmed dead in the bombing in Bali. He was reportedly planning to leave the globe-trotting law business for a job back home with his family in Kansas.
Turning to something completely different, but also on the subject of Clifford Chance . . . well, as a big-firm associate at one of the firm’s sometime competitors, I’ll just pass on without further comment the link to this New York Law Journal story as a sample of the blizzard of bad press coming from the leaking of this internal memo by associates unhappy with the firm’s billable hour targets and a host of other issues.
Goldberg on the Media’s Rush
Jonah Goldberg has the goods on the media’s jump to conclusions about the sniper(s). Instapundit also links to blogger Rand Simberg, with a similar but more pointed observation: that the media was dying to “paint Republicans as bigoted enablers of right-wing violence . . . two weeks before a mid-term election.”
On a lighter note, Wednesday night I was flipping channels with the sound down, and saw on FOXNews the bizarre headline “BREAKING NEWS: A Tree Stump Was Removed And Loaded Into A Truck.”
The scary thing is, I knew what they were talking about.
Fatherhood
My older brother had the best line when they arrested Mr. Muhammad and his stepson: “I guess that guy who took his son out to beat up the first base coach at Comiskey Park is out of the running for ‘Father of the Year’.”
On a related note, Howard Bashman asks how the arrest of the 17-year-old stepson will affect the debate over the constitutionality of the death penalty for minors.
Fantasy Court-Watching
My younger brother sends this link: a fantasy league to track Supreme Court decisions! Nerdvana! Where do I sign up?
WHAT’S THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN WAR AND CRIME?
Lileks with characteristically acid scorn for the usual suspects:
“If it is Islamic terrorism, it will be delightful to watch the root-causers explain this one. They could get away with writing off 9/11 as karmic justice, because it was so large, so theatrical, so massively calamitous that it instantly took on symbolic meaning. And symbols are always up for grabs. But shooting a dozen people at random is something the mind grasps and understands at once . . . everyone has stood in the open pumping gas, watching the numbers race, hoping we can hold it under twenty bucks, waving to the kid strapped in the backseat, wondering when the gas station started playing oldies through the loudspeaker – jesus, �My Eyes Adored You?� Haven�t heard that one in –
(crack)
(/life)
This even the stupidest root-causer gets. But I doubt they�ll admit it. They�ll have to draw a direct link between American foreign policy and some poor guy getting his head opened up at a 7-11. It will require meta-meta-meta thinking so elaborate, so vaporous, so consumed with the sins of the West that they�ll look like someone pissing off the parapets of the tallest building in Cloud-Cuckoo Land.
I think they�re up to the job.”
Gun Fingerprints
Dave Kopel & Paul Blackman, writing on NRO, argue that the proposal for gun barrel ‘fingerprinting,’ which has gained some cache from the DC sniper case, is impractical and dangerous. Their arguments are worth considering at some length for what they do and don’t prove.
Sniper Sketch
A sketch artist touches up the latest composite of the DC sniper.
McConnell’s Cred
Mickey Kaus has been trumpeting Michael McConnell’s trashing of Bush v. Gore on Slate, but don’t forget to check out his later piece on OpinionJournal on the same subject.
Is Jihad Speech?
On the other hand, Justice Stephens issues a wise note of caution about how the First Amendment may have its limits when “speech” involves the long-range planning of a criminal enterprise. Not hard to read between the lines of this one.
Chutzpah
Read this very short opinion (in PDF format) by Justice Thomas, which pours well-deserved scorn on Justice Breyer’s argument that the Eighth Amendment permits defendants to run out the clock on the death penalty and then complain that the delays caused by their appeals have created a cruel and unusual punishment. Justice Stephens adds a weak disclaimer to Thomas’ opinion.
I’m not totally a death penalty cheerleader, but arguments like this are appalling. Even if there was some merit to the “delay” argument, its proponents should at least recognize that the “delay” should – after the fashion of the Speedy Trial Act – exclude any delays caused by the defendant himself, including the pendency of appeals, delays in bringing a habeas petition, etc., which would exclude nearly all of the time at issue in most of these cases.
Johnny Cochran gets sued
Johnny Cochran gets sued. Who says there’s no justice?
Sniper
This reads like something from the Onion, but sadly, it’s not. Can one man really turn our nation’s capital and scores of surrounding suburbs into Beirut?
White Collar Case
The full Second Circuit is wrestling with a case that could have a huge impact on white-collar criminal prosecutions.
The State of The Gun Debate
The Wall Street Journal has a front-page story this morning (here’s the link if you’re a subscriber) on how Smith & Wesson has rejoined the fight against gun regulations in an environment where lawsuits and new regulations have lost a lot of steam as a result of skeptical courts and the Bush Administration. Personally, I always thought the lawsuits – other than those few for purely accidental shootings that might have been prevented by safety devices, which are fairly standard tort claims — were silly. First, everybody knows guns are dangerous. Second, many of the claims were based on the theory that it was a violation of one state’s gun policies to sell too many guns legally in another state, knowing that some of them would then be shipped across state lines (the “oversupply” theory). Adopting such a rule under state law is a straightforward violation of the Commerce Clause – a state regulating the very act of interstate commerce. (A more interesting question is whether both the high- and low-regulation states are transgressing Federalism’s Edge, a concept I’ve discussed in more detail here and here).
BUT, WILL THE DC SNIPER CHANGE THE POLITICS OF GUN CONTROL? Not much, I suspect. Except in New Jersey — where the Torricautenberg campaign has been hammering the issue for months — nearly all the contested Senate elections, and the majority of hot House and governor’s contests, are in states where gun control is not popular (Missouri, New Hampshire, Colorado, Arizona, Michigan, the Carolinas, etc.), so the national Democrats have been terrified of the issue. What’s worse, the case raises the specter of a ban on hunting rifles, the crown jewel of gun ownership.
Personally, I’m pretty moderate on this issue – I’m generally apt to support gun regulation like registration requirements, but not outright bans. After all, the Second Amendment guarantees an individual’s right to bear arms, but much unlike the First Amendment (which says “Congress shall make no law” regulating speech and religion), the Second Amendment expressly contemplates that gun ownership by the militia – i.e., the able-bodied adult (then, male) population – shall be “well-regulated.” I’m not an expert on the history, but I doubt that the Founding Fathers would have been alarmed by efforts to register the gun owners in the State if they’d seen a need.
Sniper=Terror
Andrew Sullivan has a point on the sniper that seems obvious to me: whether or not it’s connected to any terrorist group or organization, and whether or not the shooter is pressing any particular agenda, this is terrorism by any reasonable definition: i.e., the targeting of innocent, unsuspecting noncombatant strangers for the purposes of creating fear in a broader population.
No Right To Vote Early and Often
The things people will ask for . . . Second Circuit says it’s not unconstitutional to deny people with multiple homes in different localities the right to vote in all of them.
No Hsia
Supreme Court denied certiorari in case of Maria Hsia, the Clinton-era campaign finance scandal figure. I noted the case and its significance here.
THE DC SNIPER
OK, the “Confederate battlefield” theory is out the window with last night’s shooting in Falls Church. They’re gonna get this guy, somehow, but it looks like he’ll probably kill again before they do, which is a horrible thought. I’m sure plenty of people are afraid to leave the house in the DC area, and I can’t say I blame them. When things have calmed down, somebody should remember to extend a very warm thank you to these guys.
My father, who was a New York City cop, reminds me that the simplest slips can break a case like this – they got the Son of Sam because a cop who wrote traffic summonses noticed that he’d written up the same car at the site of three of the shootings. Once they had the car, they had David Berkowitz, and they still do.
My guess is, when they get this guy, Virginia will try him first. I have mixed feelings about the death penalty, but this is one of the easy cases.
Racial Profiling of the DC Sniper
Dave Shiflett over at the American Prowler is doing some racial profiling on the DC sniper (ask yourself what the sniper looks like before you click). If you missed it, Slate had a nice piece last Teusday (has this story been going on that long?) with an NYPD detective profiling the weapon. Here’s a random thought: last two shootings were at Manassas and Fredricksburg. If the next one’s at Anteitam or Appomattox, I think we’ve got ourselves a much clearer profile.
A RIGHT TO DO NO WORK?
The DC Circuit affirms summary judgment dismissing an employment discrimination claim by a Postal Service employee who claims that his job got worse when he was reassigned, at the same pay and benefits, to a job including “general budget duties for an office and supervis[ing] up to a dozen workers.” What was his previous job? The court quotes this priceless exchange from his deposition:
Q So you stayed at Merrifield. What were your duties at Merrifield?
A None.
Q None?
A [sic] Did you work while you were out there?
A No.
Q What did you do all day?
A Occupied an office.
Campaign Finance News
Howard Bashman notices that the Second Circuit has withdrawn its opinion upholding the Vermont campaign finance law, Act 64. So there. (I may update this post later if I find out more).
